By Peter Omonua
As Nigeria inches toward the 2027 presidential election, a growing number of citizens and commentators are questioning whether the process will genuinely offer voters a meaningful choice or merely rehearse a foregone conclusion. At the heart of this skepticism is a deep mistrust of institutions meant to guarantee fairness, neutrality, and justice in the democratic process.
Critics point to what they see as an unprecedented concentration of power around the presidency. They argue that key state institutions responsible for elections, security, and adjudication are headed by officials appointed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, many of whom are politically aligned with him. This perception is enough to erode public confidence.
The Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), constitutionally charged with conducting free and fair elections, is led by a chairman appointed by the president. The Chief Justice of the Federation, who ultimately presides over electoral disputes that reach the Supreme Court, is also a presidential appointee. So are the Attorney General and Minister of Justice, the Inspector General of Police, the Director General of the Department of State Services (DSS), and the Chief of Army Staff.
To critics, this raises a troubling question: can institutions staffed by presidential appointees be truly independent when the president himself is a contestant in the election they oversee or influence?
Beyond appointments, there is a broader sense of political disillusionment. Many Nigerians feel that ethnic and partisan divisions have been skillfully manipulated, opposition parties deliberated fragmented, while the ruling establishment looks firmly entrenched.
The concern extends to what happens after votes are cast. Skeptics argue that if election results are disputed, the legal path leads back to institutions headed by presidential appointees. If the citizens choose public protest to express dissatisfaction, they would be facing security agencies that are loyal to the president. Even If they then choose to turn to social media, they would be confronted with DSS surveillance and intimidation. This fear of the electorate signals a profound crisis of trust.
This is the crux of the argument that the 2027 election may already have become, in the eyes of many Nigerians, an “exercise in futility.” When citizens believe outcomes are predetermined, participation drops, cynicism rises, and democracy itself is weakened.
Some have gone as far as to suggest, satirically, that the enormous funds budgeted for elections would be better spent directly alleviating citizens’ hardship rather than staging a process they believe is already decided. While such a proposal is neither practical nor constitutional, it underscores the depth of frustration among the populace.
Ultimately, democracy depends not only on laws and institutions, but on public confidence. If Nigerians are to approach 2027 with hope rather than resignation, the government and electoral bodies must go beyond legal compliance to actively demonstrate transparency, independence, and fairness. Without that, the loudest verdict in the next election may be delivered long before a single ballot is cast.
Postscript
2027 Presidential Election ‘Umpires’
1. INEC Chairman – Joash Ojo Amupitan – Yoruba
2. Chief Justice of the Federation – Kudirat Kekere-Ekun – Yoruba
3. Attorney-General / Minister of Justice – Lateef Olasunkanmi Fagbemi – Yoruba
4. Director General of the DSS – Adeola Oluwatosin Ajayi – Yoruba
5. Inspector General of Police – Kayode Egbetokun – Yoruba
6. Chief of Army Staff – Waidi Shaibu – Yoruba
7. Chief of Defense Staff (CDS) – Olufemi Oluyede – Yoruba
These are all President Bola Tinubu’s kinsmen. They were all appointed by him and they are all accountable to him. In this situation, is there any pathway for the opposition in the coming election?
